The inauguration of Donald Trump has the potential to be much more significant in our world history than his first inauguration in January 2017. Rather than complacently assuming the four years of the first Trump presidency to be an interruption on an otherwise centrist path to greater progress and freedom, a second Trump presidency shows the first not to be an anomaly and begins in a world that has taken a sharp turn towards authoritarian leadership.
The incoming administration has a clear political agenda for its second term and the outline of a plan to achieve it. While the primary focus of that plan is domestic, America’s relationship with the world is at the centre of the incoming government’s political philosophy. As we have already seen with the impact on UK domestic politics of the global markets anticipating potentially inflationary policies coming from the US, decisions taken well beyond our borders can have a big impact here at home. This is before Trump has even started his second presidency. What does Trump’s second term mean for the British Labour government and the global centre-left? And what next for Democrats in the US?
First and foremost, the Labour government in the UK knows it needs to build a set of strategic alliances based on mutual interests. It cannot rely on existing norms and expectations for engagement. The early decision of the prime minister to invest his precious time in resetting Britain’s international standing in the world, and building relationships with world leaders regardless of ideology, now looks like a very astute move.
It is in the British people’s interests for our prime minister to take our place on the world stage, both for our security and for our economic prosperity. International engagement with and beyond the European Union offers the government the opportunity to bolster Britain’s business and foster deeper economic ties. The Conservatives’ botched Brexit and failure to deliver trade deals that boost Britain’s businesses must be addressed as part of the new government’s plan for economic growth. The Chancellor was right to prioritise the security of supply chains and promote British energy sources in this insecure world, but achieving stronger growth will ultimately depend on foreign demand as well as investment. The recent launch of Britain’s ‘soft power council’ by David Lammy and Lisa Nandy to drive both growth and security shows the Government understands how to leverage British assets for our economic and foreign affairs goals.
As the UK is not immune from global shocks – of the economic, security, or (un) diplomatic variety – neither are we immune from the forces that are driving support for right-wing authoritarianism elsewhere. Centre-left governments have an obligation and electoral imperative to deliver results for the voters who put their trust in them, and in the UK that particularly means working-class voters that came back to Labour having been let down by the Conservatives. The right-wing authoritarians are seizing the anti-elite moment and presenting themselves as the vehicle for change. The best inspiration the British Labour government can offer centre-left allies around the world is not to isolate itself by demarcating as a ‘centre-left’ government, but to show other parties that its politics can win over and retain working-class voters. That means delivering on the bread-and-butter issues those voters face: improving wages and reducing essential costs, better public services, and controlling and managing immigration more effectively. It is kitchen-table economics and kitchen-table politics.
For the Democrats in the US, they too are grappling with what voters expect of them over the next four years, as they start down the road of winning back trust that they are the authentic party of working Americans. They have an impressive cadre of state governors, who have to work pragmatically to get things done as well as have the necessary debate within the party about their future direction.
As Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer said last week, despite the very apparent differences that exist between Democrats and Republicans, voters are looking to politicians to solve their problems, not create them. “Michiganders elected both me and Donald Trump twice, just two years apart. Every one of us swore an oath to the people we serve, and the people expect us to find common ground, especially when it comes to lowering costs, creating good paying manufacturing jobs, boosting research and innovation, and cutting red tape.”
As the Democrats consider their future direction, they can draw on the experience of UK Labour in climbing back to electability and elected government under Keir Starmer. When he became Leader of the Labour Party, the party had suffered its fourth successive election defeat and was 26 points behind in the polls. By steadily pursuing a politics and programme that put working-class voters in all parts of the country at the centre again, Labour was able to win a parliamentary majority and a majority of working-class voters to the centre-left once the Conservatives had proved their unworthiness to govern.
Research for the Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) by Deborah Mattinson, Starmer’s former director of strategy, shows that the Democrats have a tough climb ahead of them. Similarly to Labour before Keir Starmer was elected leader, American voters she spoke to for the research were unsure who or what the Democrats really stood for anymore. While far from enamoured with Trump, they were clear they wanted change, and like voters in almost all developed democracies, feared their country was heading in the wrong direction.
More than a battle between left and right, this is a battle between who is going to speak for the people versus those who are perceived as ‘elites’. It is mission-critical that Labour in power retains the focus it had in opposition on the interests of working people, and represents the reforming zeal that those voters demand. This authenticity is the basis of our credibility, which provides the strong leadership that voters will respond to and that the world can respect.
Going global and local – the way ahead for the centre left
Director of the Project on Center-Left Renewal, Progressive Policy Institute
The inauguration of Donald Trump has the potential to be much more significant in our world history than his first inauguration in January 2017. Rather than complacently assuming the four years of the first Trump presidency to be an interruption on an otherwise centrist path to greater progress and freedom, a second Trump presidency shows the first not to be an anomaly and begins in a world that has taken a sharp turn towards authoritarian leadership.
The incoming administration has a clear political agenda for its second term and the outline of a plan to achieve it. While the primary focus of that plan is domestic, America’s relationship with the world is at the centre of the incoming government’s political philosophy. As we have already seen with the impact on UK domestic politics of the global markets anticipating potentially inflationary policies coming from the US, decisions taken well beyond our borders can have a big impact here at home. This is before Trump has even started his second presidency. What does Trump’s second term mean for the British Labour government and the global centre-left? And what next for Democrats in the US?
First and foremost, the Labour government in the UK knows it needs to build a set of strategic alliances based on mutual interests. It cannot rely on existing norms and expectations for engagement. The early decision of the prime minister to invest his precious time in resetting Britain’s international standing in the world, and building relationships with world leaders regardless of ideology, now looks like a very astute move.
It is in the British people’s interests for our prime minister to take our place on the world stage, both for our security and for our economic prosperity. International engagement with and beyond the European Union offers the government the opportunity to bolster Britain’s business and foster deeper economic ties. The Conservatives’ botched Brexit and failure to deliver trade deals that boost Britain’s businesses must be addressed as part of the new government’s plan for economic growth. The Chancellor was right to prioritise the security of supply chains and promote British energy sources in this insecure world, but achieving stronger growth will ultimately depend on foreign demand as well as investment. The recent launch of Britain’s ‘soft power council’ by David Lammy and Lisa Nandy to drive both growth and security shows the Government understands how to leverage British assets for our economic and foreign affairs goals.
As the UK is not immune from global shocks – of the economic, security, or (un) diplomatic variety – neither are we immune from the forces that are driving support for right-wing authoritarianism elsewhere. Centre-left governments have an obligation and electoral imperative to deliver results for the voters who put their trust in them, and in the UK that particularly means working-class voters that came back to Labour having been let down by the Conservatives. The right-wing authoritarians are seizing the anti-elite moment and presenting themselves as the vehicle for change. The best inspiration the British Labour government can offer centre-left allies around the world is not to isolate itself by demarcating as a ‘centre-left’ government, but to show other parties that its politics can win over and retain working-class voters. That means delivering on the bread-and-butter issues those voters face: improving wages and reducing essential costs, better public services, and controlling and managing immigration more effectively. It is kitchen-table economics and kitchen-table politics.
For the Democrats in the US, they too are grappling with what voters expect of them over the next four years, as they start down the road of winning back trust that they are the authentic party of working Americans. They have an impressive cadre of state governors, who have to work pragmatically to get things done as well as have the necessary debate within the party about their future direction.
As Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer said last week, despite the very apparent differences that exist between Democrats and Republicans, voters are looking to politicians to solve their problems, not create them. “Michiganders elected both me and Donald Trump twice, just two years apart. Every one of us swore an oath to the people we serve, and the people expect us to find common ground, especially when it comes to lowering costs, creating good paying manufacturing jobs, boosting research and innovation, and cutting red tape.”
As the Democrats consider their future direction, they can draw on the experience of UK Labour in climbing back to electability and elected government under Keir Starmer. When he became Leader of the Labour Party, the party had suffered its fourth successive election defeat and was 26 points behind in the polls. By steadily pursuing a politics and programme that put working-class voters in all parts of the country at the centre again, Labour was able to win a parliamentary majority and a majority of working-class voters to the centre-left once the Conservatives had proved their unworthiness to govern.
Research for the Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) by Deborah Mattinson, Starmer’s former director of strategy, shows that the Democrats have a tough climb ahead of them. Similarly to Labour before Keir Starmer was elected leader, American voters she spoke to for the research were unsure who or what the Democrats really stood for anymore. While far from enamoured with Trump, they were clear they wanted change, and like voters in almost all developed democracies, feared their country was heading in the wrong direction.
More than a battle between left and right, this is a battle between who is going to speak for the people versus those who are perceived as ‘elites’. It is mission-critical that Labour in power retains the focus it had in opposition on the interests of working people, and represents the reforming zeal that those voters demand. This authenticity is the basis of our credibility, which provides the strong leadership that voters will respond to and that the world can respect.
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